Sudan Updates and Recommendations
Never Again Coalition
December 4, 2023

Situation Overview
On April 15, 2023 conflict erupted between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) when the political partnership of expediency collapsed between General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, head of the SAF, and General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti), leader of the RSF. This war broke out as tensions mounted over the security sector reform established by the Framework Agreement which would have seen the RSF integrated into the Sudanese Army and a return to a civilian transition. As the war enters its eighth month, there are few signs of de-escalation.

Sudanese civilians are paying the cost of this war, experiencing insecurity, serious human rights violations, and a mounting humanitarian crisis. Over 10,000 people have been killed with Khartoum and Darfur witnessing the most intense hostilities. 6.6 million people have been forcibly displaced since April 15, half of them children, and the World Health Organization (WHO) reports that up to 80% of hospitals are no longer operational in conflict-affected states and 60% of the population is unable to access health services.

In 2019, Hemedti and Burhan toppled President Bashir and in October 2021 they derailed the democratic transition by staging a further coup. The international community’s delaying of punitive measures following the 2021 coup echoes the lack of accountability that has dominated Sudan for decades. Indeed, the Janjaweed were the ground force that perpetrated the Darfur genocide from 2003 onwards and recent events underscore that although their name may have changed to the RSF, their genocidal tactics remain. SAF have also perpetrated serious human rights violations for decades, including in Darfur.

Human rights documentation: In recent weeks, the RSF captured the capitals of South, Central, West, and East Darfur States and conducted targeted, ethnic-based killings. This campaign, which also overlapped with round two of the Jeddah peace negotiations, saw the RSF gain effective control over almost the entirety of Darfur with the exception of El Fasher, North Darfur where armed rebel groups have amassed in anticipation of an RSF offensive.

It has been a struggle to receive reports of the impacts of this violence against civilians due to the systematic targeting of civilian communications infrastructure. In this regard, the recent establishment of an Independent International Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) on Sudan by the Human Rights Council is vital.  

  • To support justice and accountability, the US and others should provide robust support to FFM in order to address the many serious human rights violations and atrocities being committed.

  • The US should also provide technical, material, and financial support to Sudanese documenters.

  • The US should open a formal investigation into atrocity crimes in Sudan and  ensure there is funding for justice and accountability programming and protection support. Any atrocity determinations made by the US must be followed by a clear and comprehensive strategy to address the immediate and long term needs of the community, including accountability.

Ceasefire urgently needed: Khartoum continues to be an intense battleground with SAF using its aerial advantage to conduct airstrikes in densely populated civilian areas and RSF deploying urban warfare tactics, invading and occupying homes and businesses. If RSF proceed to launch their next offensive in El Fasher, there could be intense fighting with unfathomable impacts on civilians including massive loss of life. Many civilians from Darfur’s other states sought refuge from the encroaching tide of violence in El Fasher and now face the prospect of further displacement with few options for refuge. If the RSF were to attack the El Fasher, multiple armed groups have declared that they would fight back, This could lead to the further expansion of this conflict as JPA signatories would be unable to maintain their neutrality.

A ceasefire is also urgently needed to facilitate the coordination and delivery of humanitarian assistance. However, there are few avenues for peace talks following the indefinite suspension of the Jeddah negotiations. The most recent round of track one negotiations narrowly focused on achieving a cessation of hostilities and securing safe pathways for humanitarian access, but failed to achieve any ceasefire. RSF used the talks as an opportunity to perpetrate further human rights abuses and violations while advancing military aims, particularly in Darfur.

  • The US should support an IGAD and or/AU-convened negotiation process that is inclusive of Sudanese civil society.   

  • It is critical that the US acknowledge instances of violence that are still taking place to ensure that warring parties cannot use peace talks as an opportunity to escalate the conflict, nor gain further legitimacy.

Humanitarian situation - Port Sudan has emerged as the de facto capital of Sudan under SAF control. However, as RSF and other groups control areas inland, it is nearly impossible to secure guarantees for the transport of humanitarian assistance by road. Sudanese communities, particularly youth through neighborhood committees have collaborated to establish Emergency Response Rooms (ERRs) which focus on providing medical and nutritional aid to civilians, forming community initiatives to promote peace and peaceful coexistence (combating racism and hate speech), and engaging in concerted efforts to mitigate the effects of the current war on civilians. They also aim to enhance opportunities for peace and a civil solution to the complex issues facing Sudan. However, as of late October, the 2023 Sudan Humanitarian Plan is only 34% funded. Indicators predict catastrophic health conditions in the months ahead. 

  • The US should support Sudan’s neighbors to establish humanitarian corridors for safe evacuation of civilians and the delivery of humanitarian supplies.

  • Donors, including the US,  should allow for flexible funding to support local efforts, including Resistance Committees and ERRs in the humanitarian response.

  • Congress should ensure there are specific funds for the Sudan humanitarian response in the FY 2024 budget.

Regional interests are fueling the conflict. UAE is the RSF’s most prominent backer with reports of not only financial support, but arms as well. Saudi Arabia, co-facilitator of the Jeddah talks, is locked in a power struggle with UAE for regional dominance and is viewed as backing SAF. Egypt has longstanding ties with SAF and the National Congress Party. Chad is now grappling with more than 500,000 new refugees along its eastern border with Darfur, while South Sudan is receiving hundreds of thousands of South Sudanese returnees from Sudan and relies on pipelines that run through Sudan to export oil.

  • The US should engage with neighboring countries to keep their borders open; allow operation of UN agencies and non-governmental organizations to assist new arrivals from Sudan, as well as existing Sudanese refugee populations; and not forcibly return those seeking refuge.

  • Sudan’s regional and international partners, the African Union Peace and Security Council, and the UN Security Council should adopt concrete measures to reduce harm to civilians, including an arms embargo that encompasses all of Sudan and targeted sanctions against parties who violate international humanitarian law. The US should apply pressure to allies that don’t honor existing sanctions or arms embargo.

  • In the case of the UAE, the US should push for an end to arms support to the RSF and instead use its leverage to pressure the RSF and allied militias to cease committing atrocities.

Charting a civilian-led future: If the past four years of transition have taught anything, it should be that youth, grassroots organizations and historically marginalized communities must be integral parts of a peaceful solution in Sudan. Recent talks in Addis Ababa are encouraging but should be seen as preparatory for organizing larger and more inclusive discussions for a new pro-democracy bloc. The failure of inclusion in the transitional process and recognition of the critical, peaceful work these groups were doing, led to the fragility of Sudan and the ensuing conflict. Freedom, peace and justice in Sudan is possible. The Sudanese people believe in their country and the international community must steadfastly stand with them to support their vision.

  • The US should support the full, equal, and meaningful participation of youth and women at all levels of the political process.